User:-sche/PA

Mistakes I may have made in Proto-Algonquian appendices: I am using AWB to check for and fix these.
 * using "pqm" for "xpq" / vice versa (trust the spelled-out language name over the code)
 * using "mjw" or another incorrect code for Mahican or Menominee

For Wiyot, see User:-sche/Wiyot.

Proto-Algonquian
There was an "item-ifying" or nominalizing suffix along the lines of *(h)ikan, whence:
 * Abenaki: -(h)igan
 * Cree: -ikan
 * Ojibwe: -(h)igan
 * Unami: -hikàn?
 * Compare Cheyenne: ,


 * deer : PA, Wiyot /
 * tree : PA, Wiyot , Yurok
 * drink : PA


 * steal : PA, Yurok , Wiyot
 * second person pronoun : PA, Yurok
 * [kind of bird] : Yurok, Menominee keneew ("eagle")


 * give food to : PA *ahtsam, Wiyot ə́tsəb


 * Plains Cree mayátisew, from Proto-Algonuian *mya·la·tesiwa 'he is ugly' (Papers of the twenty-third Algonquian Conference, 1992)


 * PA: po·xkwešamwa "(s)he cuts it open" per Mc35:168, cited in Anthropological Linguistics, volume 39, issue 1 (1997)


 * according to the Ch. Dict., Cheyenne is from PA "*wiiθanyiwi"


 * possibly Abenaki -ilalo
 * possibly Arapaho (n)eiθón
 * possibly Cree: /, /
 * Fox: -înaniwi
 * Menominee: (ne(t))ɛ·naniw
 * Miami: (a)wiilani, kiilani(wi)
 * possibly Mohegan-Pequot -iyan
 * possibly Ojibwe: o-denaniw
 * Unami:
 * compare
 * Wiyot: wēt (rē·t, kē·t); Yurok ('n)-iphl


 * Proto-Algic *-tecake, *tegeteke "buttocks"
 * Yurok -cɨk "bird's tail" (with analogical loss of initial *te-)
 * Proto-Algonquian *-čyetki
 * compare Wiyot vɑ-to·c


 * Proto-Algic *mekwehce, *megekwehce "snail"
 * Wiyot: butcate (Reichard (1925)) (variant bukt)
 * Yurok
 * (per a not-entirely-reliable book): Proto-Algonquian *mi·kehsa (Wiyot bukt) "snail"


 * Proto-Algonquian: Goddard (1974)
 * Proto-Algonquian: Bloomfield (1946)
 * Proto-Algonquian: Siebert (1975)


 * Proto-Algic:, whence PAc and PAn


 * Proto-Algic:
 * Proto-Algonquian:
 * the existence of nya·ran in proto-Ojibwe is sometimes postulated to explain the Cree forms(!), but if θ=r, such postulation seems unnecessary, as the root is already nya·ran(wi) (and the nan forms make more sense)
 * Yurok:


 * 2003, Essays in Algonquian, Catawban, And Siouan Linguistics ISBN 0921064160, page 98:
 * As Haas suggests, this stem looks like an archaic formation related to PA *nekwetwi ‘one’; the numbers from ‘one’ to ‘five’ all contain a semantically empty initial (root) *ny-, realized as *ne- before a consonant (PA *nye- and *ni- do not occur), and *-w-i is descriptively segmentable.
 * page 209:
 * 'nine' and 'ten' [...] do not have *ši in Proto-Algonquian


 * double-check the orthography of these Proto-Algonquian numerals:


 * neʔšwa·šika "eight", neʔθwa·ši(ka) "eight"
 * no·lyiwi "nine"
 * meta·taθwi "ten"; regarding the suffix, the Cheyenne reflex of "nekwetwa·šika" (six) is said to be specifically from a variant/synonym ending in "-a·taθwi" rather than "-a·šika", ditto the terms for seven and eight

Misc

 * penis:


 * Yurok:, , , -ykwet


 * Abenaki: abag(igo); kask(igo)
 * Blackfoot: apuk'keu, apŭk'eu; apŭx'ixtokiu
 * Cheyenne: háahp-; kȧhko-; pahpon- (the Ch. Dict. has he note "Etym: cf. M pepa:kan ??"); tóhto(n)-
 * Unami: ;, xinkòhëne, xinkhòne


 * In Essays in Algonquian, Catawban, And Siouan Linguistics in Memory of Frank T. Siebert, Jr., edited by Blair A. Rudes and David J. Costa (2003), page 232: "The first process was the well-documented tendency in Catawba for a consonant to develop a nasal onset following a nasal vowel. Examples of this phonetic realization of nasal vowel plus obstruent may be found in the records of essentially all researchers (e.g. Swadesh [1934: 2] 〈nitɛmM〉 'all' [for nitę́p (Siebert 1941b)], Sturtevant [1957] 〈t'ą·nsɪ〉 'dog' [for tą́si (Siebert 1941b)]). The second phenomenon, and the one of interest here, was the partial to full denasalization of m and n in word-initial position before oral vowels. The process is most clearly observed when data from early sources are compared with equivalent words from modern sources. For example for the word for 'my brother', Barton (1798) gave 〈murraundau〉, Speck (1934: 22, 27) have 〈mbaránɑ〉 and 〈baránɑ'〉, and Siebert (1941b) gave bará·naʔ; for the word for 'ear', Barton (1798) gave 〈nocksoo〉 and Siebert (1941b) gave dúksu·ʔ; and, for the word for 'iron', Miller [...]
 * later in the same work: [...] Siebert (1941b) for example, recorded [tinde] 'blue jay' for tine· (see Gatschet [1881] (tine) 'jaybird'). However, only in word-initial position was nasalization on m and n lost completely, opening the door for merger of these allophones of m and n with b and d from other sources. By the time Speck recorded the language restructuring had [...]


 * David H. Pentland, Proto-Algonquian c and [š], in the Actes du Quatorzième Congrès des Algonquinistes (1983), page 382:
 * 3.3 The various words for 'blue jay' are not easily derived from a single Proto-Algonquian form — there are three variants in Ojibwa alone. Siebert's (1967a: 18) reconstruction *tīntīwa should give only forms with [č] — never [t] — in the daughter languages, since Proto-Algonquian /tīntīwa/ represents phonetic [čīnčīwa]. A reconstruction /tent(ay)ehsiwa/ will account for most of the attested forms, but it must be assumed that there has been an irregular change of /e/ to /ī/ in most of the languages, ordered after the palatalization rule (Odawa and Caniba show diminutive consonant symbolism rather than palatalization): Cree /tēhtīsiw/, /tīhtīsiw/, Montagnais titisi8, Ojibwa /tēntēhsi/, /tīntīhsi/ and Odawa dialect /čīntīhs(īnh)/, Fox /tītīwa/, Kickapoo /tiitiia/, Miami tändaksa, Shawnee /tīti/, Micmac /tities/, Malecite ti-ti-ăs', Penobscot /tìtəyɑs/, Caniba tsitses8, Western Abenaki /titehsó/. Siebert  (1967b:53) [...]

Misc:
 * Proto-Numic:
 * Proto-Takic: