User:Chuterix/Ryukyuan terms borrowed from Japanese

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These terms are likely innovations or loanwords from another language, and cannot be reconstructed for Proto-Japonic, unless otherwise stated. Accentual irregularities can also disprove a genuine Japonic word. "Similar to ‘south’, cognates WOJ and Mainland Japanese kita ‘north’ are only scarcely attested in Ryukyuan, and the evidence is limited to North Ryukyuan, again concentrating in Amami. The form kitaː is found in Amami’s Kakeroma island, kita in Amami’s Yoro island and the central part of Amami Ōshima (Yuwan, Kushi, Nakama, Ongachi, and YamatomaThe vernacular name for Yamatohama dialect of Amami [sic], but also Nakima in the Okinawa main island, and k’ita’ is an unaspirated stop [sic] in Uka in the north of Okinawa (Nakamoto 1981: 206-207; Nakamoto 1983: 200-201; Osada et al. 1980: 140). The distribution of Ryukyuan cognates of kita is therefore significantly broader than minami. Furthermore, a cognate of WOJ/Mainland kita ‘north’ is attested in Old Okinawan with a general meaning of ‘wind’, not specified for direction (Hokama 1995: 226)." The word has been displaced by, cognate with . "Both in Ryukyuan and in Mainland Japanese names for cardinal directions characteristically overlap with, or are extensions of, names referring to winds from specific directions, as exemplified by WOJ: niɕi means both ‘west’ and ‘western wind’ (Sawakata 1967: 544), whereas minami means both ‘south’ and ‘southern wind’ (Sawakata 1967: 712). This seems to underscore the close ties between navigation and the naming conventions of cardinal di- rections. In fact, the component ɕi in WOJ niɕi, pimungaɕi (EMJ pigaɕi, modern higashi), as well as in e.g. araɕi ‘storm’, is hypothesized to have originally meant ‘wind’ (Sawakata 1967: 345; Nakamoto 1981: 202). This would make the PJ etymology of pimungaɕi quite clear, as proposed earlier by Martin (1987: 405): *pi ‘sun’ + *munga ‘to turn to’ (attributive) + *ɕi ‘wind’ (EQUAL) ‘the wind turned toward the sun’, ‘the wind blowing in the direction of the sun’(Although Martin derives EMJ pigaɕi directly from WOJ pimungaɕi, there is also a possibility that these are two parallelly-formed lexemes, with piga analyzable as PJ *pi-nə-ka sun-GEN-place ‘the place of the sun’, ‘the location of the sun’.). Among the four Ryukyuan cardinal directions, three have the component *pe, which is the Proto-Japonic and Proto-Ryukyuan morpheme meaning ‘side, direction’. Cognates of WOJ pimungaɕi/EMJ pigaɕi ‘east’ are found in Old Okinawan as well as, with a punctual local distribution, in North Ryukyuan (including Wan in Kikai, Ongachi, Yuwan and Yadon in Amami, Kametsu and San in Tokunoshima, Yoron, Oshikaku in Kakeroma-Amami, down to Sate in northern Okinawa); they are also broadly encountered in toponyms and family names such as the very popular Okinawan name Higa (Nakamoto 1981: 200-201; Nakamoto 1983: 197-198). A South Ryukyuan hapax legomenon pingasɨ is also attested in a ceremonial song in Hateruma (Nakasone 1969: 465). This evidence is enough to reconstruct *piga(ɕi) for Proto-Ryukyuan as well as *pinga(ɕi) for Proto-Japonic." "Cognates of WOJ minami ‘south’ are few in Ryukyuan, and include forms such as minam, minan and minoːhoː. Not only are they – like the cognates of WOJ niɕi ‘west’ and kita ‘north’ – unattested in South Ryukyuan, they are also spatially confined to the narrow Amami area: parts of the Kakeroma island (Oshikaku, Setsukawa, Sesō), Sani, Yuwan, Nesebu (Nakamoto 1981: 204-205, Nakamoto 1983: 201), and YamatomaThe vernacular name for Yamatohama dialect of Amami [sic] (Osada et al. 1980: 140). As Nakamoto (1981: 204, 1983: 199) points out, such distribution limited to the area geographically closest to Mainland may encourage a conclusion that these forms are loans from Japanese; however, it does not appear particularly likely that a contact-induced loan from the dominating state language should remain limited only to a small number of remote topolects all concentrated in a relatively narrow area, rather than spread throughout the islands. The view that these cognates of minami reflect in fact a conservative layer of Ryukyuan vocabulary is endorsed by the evidence from the names for the three other cardinal directions, all of which replicate the scenario of the WOJ/Mainland cognates being confined to limited North Ryukyuan areas with the alleged innovations taking over everywhere else. A further support may be offered by attestations of minami in Old Okinawan, although this evidence by itself is not considered to be firm enough. (Although the form minami is also attested in the Chinese sources on Old Okinawan (cf. Hokama 1995: 640): Liuqiu Guan Yiyu/Ryūkyūkan Yakugo (around 1500) and Yinyun Zihai/On’in Jikai (around 1573), Hattori (1979) points out that Liuqiu Guan Yiyu frequently confuses Ryukyuan with Japanese data (an analogous Japanese language guide was compiled at the same time), and the sources that follow, including Yinyun Zihai, often cite the chronologically earliest Liuqiu Guan Yiyu uncritically. Therefore, this cannot be considered as evidence for the presence of minami in Old Okinawan, and neither can be the presence of minami in Classical Okinawan literature, which is heavily influenced by Japanese.)" The word has been replaced by.
 * - I quote the following from Jarosz (2023, 20):
 * - Uniformly attested in Ryukyuan as kuni or similar. The distribution is also sparse, and pR or  is the native Ryukyuan and Japonic word.
 * - Uniformly attested in Ryukyuan as kuruma or similar.
 * - The adjectival endings are directly attached to the root, rather than being fused: e.g. sjisaN [ɕisaŋ] instead of expected sjaN [ɕaŋ].
 * - Only attested in Shuri.
 * - Traditionally from fiNgasi < PI1MUKASI. I quote the following Jarosz (2023, 15-16):
 * - This word is sparsely attested in some Amami dialects. I quote the following from Jarosz (2023. 18-19):